Artikel mit ‘AfriCom’ getagged

Klimawandel, Sicherheit und die Ambitionen des Pentagon

Mittwoch, 21. Oktober 2009

Auf CommonDreams.org hat Betsy Hartmann, Publizistin und Proffessorin für Entwicklungspolitik in Hampshire, einen großartigen Artikel über die Gefahren veröffentlichen, die mit einer thematischen Verknüpfung von Klimawandel und Nationaler Sicherheit einhergehen: Anything Goes: The Dangers of Linking Climate Change to National Security.
Zunächst schreibt sie von der eher gutwilligen Absicht hinter dieser Verknüpfung, dass damit auch konservative Senatsmitglieder davon zu überzeugen, für eine Reduktion des CO2-Ausstoßes zu stimmen. Sie warnt aber vor den mittel- und langfristigen Folgen dieser Verknüpfung und verweist auf einige vom Pentagon finanzierte Studien, welche diese Verknüpfung seit 2003 vorantrieben, indem sie apokalyptische Bilder der Dritten Welt zeichneten, welch durch den Klimawandel in pures Chaos und nackte Gewalt umschlagen würde. Nach einer etwas kurz geratenen Kritik an den Grundannahmen dieser Bilder (Adaptionsfähigkeit im globalen Norden, Tendenzen zu Gewalt im Süden) stellt sie die Motivation dar, mit welcher das Pentagon diese Verknüpfung vorantreibt. Dabei vergisst sie zu erwähnen, dass sich das Militär grundsätzlich nach Problemen sucht, für die es “Lösungen” bereit stellen kann. Stattdessen aber verweist sie auf die Ansätze zur vernetzten Sicherheit und zum “whole-of-government approach toward security” mit dem sich das Pentagon Dominanz über alle anderen Außenpolitikbereiche sichern und humanitäre und Entwicklungshilfe stärker vereinnahmen will. Sie beschreibt auch, wie ein solcher vernetzter Ansatz im AFRICOM bereits konzeptionell vorgesehen ist und welche Kritik es daran gibt.
Sehr guter und empfehlenswerter Artikel, der sich fast 1:1 auf Deutschland übertragen lässt.

Anything Goes: The Dangers of Linking Climate Change to National Security
by Betsy Hartmann

Do the ends justify the means? This age-old question has relevance to today’s climate debate. This fall the Senate has the historic opportunity to pass legislation to curb U.S. carbon emissions. To win conservative votes, leading supporters of climate legislation are now recklessly playing the national security card. While in the short term this strategy may garner some votes, in the long term it threatens to militarize climate policy and subvert the mission of U.S. humanitarian and development aid.

Momentum is building fast. In July a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing on climate change and global security raised the specter of climate-induced chaos, terrorism and mass migration in poor and unstable regions that might necessitate an American military response. The New York Times moved quickly to embrace the strategy. A lead editorial (http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/18/opinion/18tue1.html) proclaimed that this reasoning plays well on Capitol Hill “where many politicians will do anything for the Pentagon.” It concludes that while national security is not the only reason to address climate change, “anything that advances the cause is welcome.”

Anything?

Admittedly, there are some legitimate reasons for the Pentagon to be worried about climate change. As the largest consumer of energy in the U.S., the Department of Defense has a responsibility to reduce its own emissions. Concerns about the effects of rising ocean waters on military bases or who will control new shipping channels in the Arctic are grounded in physical reality. But much of the way climate change is being framed as a national security threat is pure ideology, based on unscientific scenarios designed to instill fear of those poor, dark, dangerous people over there.

The first such scenario appeared in 2003. Sponsored by the Pentagon, An Abrupt Climate Change Scenario painted a world of starving Third World masses overshooting the carrying capacity of their lands, engaging in violent conflict over scarce resources, and storming en masse towards U.S. and European borders. Even the climate scientists interviewed for the project considered the findings too extreme.

A next round of influential scenarios on climate and security was undertaken in 2006-7 by the Washington think tanks, Center for a New American Security (CNAS) and the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). The Wall Street Journal dubbed CNAS as a “top farm team” for the Obama administration’s national security apparatus. Michele Flournoy, co-founder of CNAS, is now Undersecretary of Defense for Policy.

The CNAS-CSIS project predicts that as the mercury rises, so will the violence of the poor, especially in Africa. With a rise of 4.7 degrees by 2040, Western governments will have to engage in triage and decide which of the poor are worth saving. There is hope, however — war, disease and draconian population control measures might restore an environmentally sustainable relationship between people and nature. The scenarios were supposedly developed by a diverse group of experts, but serious scholars from the Global South are conspicuous by their absence.

There’s a powerful exceptionalism at work in these scenarios. While it is commonly assumed that resource scarcity can lead to institutional and technological innovation in the West, just the opposite is assumed for poor people in developing countries. Climate change-induced scarcities automatically render them into victims/villains, incapable of innovation, adaptation or livelihood diversification, and naturally prone to violence. They are savages and we are not.

The scenarios also neglect the political and economic causes of conflict, including the role of foreign intervention through financial or military means. In Africa, violent conflict is actually connected more closely to competition over resource abundance (rich oil and mineral reserves, valuable timber, diamonds, etc.) than resource scarcity. A recent World Bank study by Norwegian researchers found that current alarms about climate conflict are not based on substantive evidence (http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTRANETSOCIALDEVELOPMENT/Resources/SDCCWorkingPaper_Conflict.pdf).

Unfortunately, evidence is not really the issue here. The beating of the climate conflict drums should be viewed in the context of larger orchestrations in U.S. national security policy. In recent years the military has moved to exercise more control over humanitarian and development aid. In 2005 the share of US foreign aid dispersed by the Pentagon was 22 percent, up from six percent three years before. Obama’s defense policy views aid as an essential component of stabilizing restive populations, taming “ungoverned spaces” in Africa and Central Asia where terrorists may lurk, and building a “whole-of-government” approach toward security, shorthand for Pentagon dominance of most aspects of foreign policy.

The new U.S. military command for Africa, AFRICOM, is an example of what may lie in store. AFRICOM seeks to integrate U.S. military objectives more firmly with development ones and its staff includes senior officials of the U.S. Agency for International Development. This approach has generated criticism from inside the national security establishment as well as outside. Writing in Joint Forces Quarterly (http://www.ndu.edu/inss/Press/jfq_pages/editions/i52/28.pdf), Ambassador Edward Marks calls AFRICOM’s creation “a retrograde move” that threatens “the increasing militarization of our foreign relations.” Supporters of AFRICOM are already deploying the threat of climate conflict as a justification for its existence.

The climate change-national security linkage could also provide a rationale for investments in grandiose and risky schemes to control the weather. This March an official advisory group to the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) convened a meeting to discuss the possibility of geo-engineering as a response to global warming.

History is full of examples of how ends do not justify the means, and indeed how bad means lead to bad ends. The cavalier attitude that “anything goes” when it comes to passing climate legislation is pushing us down a dangerous road. In a democratic society, civilian institutions should determine climate policy and the disbursement of foreign aid. Should U.S. assistance be needed to help poor communities cope with the impacts of climate change, the Pentagon should stay out of it.

Betsy Hartmann is the director of the Population and Development Program (http://popdev.hampshire.edu) and professor of development studies at Hampshire College in Amherst, MA. She writes on population, environment and security issues. Her most recent book is the political thriller Deadly Election. See http://www.BetsyHartmann.com.

AFRICOM: 400 Mio. US$ und fünf Büros für Afrika

Donnerstag, 24. Juli 2008

Matthew Blake berichtet über eine Anhörung im US-Senat zum AfriCom. Kernaussage des Artikels ist, dass unklar sei, was mit dem militärischen Zentralkommando für Afrika eigentlich bezweckt ist, sich die “afrikanischen Führer” aber vor einer militarisierung der Beziehungen zu den USA, US-Militärbasen und -patrouillen fürchten.
Ich denke, dass wir einiges zum Zweck des AfriCom u.a. hier auf diesem Blog lesen können. Auch Blake erkennt in seiner Ratlosigkeit, dass es u.a. um Ausbildungsprogramme gehen wird:

The new Government Accountability Office audit released Tuesday explained that Bush announced the creation of Africom in February 2007 as a way to provide a U.S. military presence on the continent - but one that wouldn’t engage in conflicts. Instead, the military would do “conflict-prevention programs,” ranging from training African military officers to conducting HIV/AIDS education.

Am Rande finden sich auch einige konkrete Informationen:
- “The president’s fiscal-year 2009 budget has put $400 million toward launching Africom.”
- “Anxious about bases, all 53 African countries, except Liberia, have said they don’t want a U.S. military command in their country.”
- “the planned construction of five Pentagon offices in Africa”

Sowie etwas zum Ursprung der Idee:

The creation of Africom stemmed from the work of a planning team led by former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld. The team spent part of 2006, Rumsfeld’s final year at the Pentagon, on how to establish a centralized command of Africa.
Rumsfeld worked from the White House’s 2006 national security strategy report that said it’s a U.S. priority to “partner with Africans to strengthen fragile and failing states and bring ungoverned areas under the control of an effective democracy.” One idea to promote Democratic institutions in Africa was through the creation of provincial reconstruction teams similar to those currently rebuilding Iraq.

Übrigens ist sich die Führung des AfriCom durchaus bewusst, dass sie ein Image- bzw. “Kommunikationsproblem” hat, wie hier anlässlich eines Besuchs im NATO-George C. Marshall European Center in Garmisch-Patenkirchen deutlich wird. An dieser Stelle hat sie aber die Terrorbekämpfung als Hauptaufgabe des AfriCom dargestellt:

Mullen cited Africa’s tremendous resources, but said it faces great challenges as well, from poverty and disease to threats including terrorists seeking safe haven.
“It’s a place where there are opportunities for terrorists to evolve,” he told the AFRICOM staff while visiting their headquarters. “We have to address those things, because if we don’t, they are coming our way. Either we have to engage them or they are coming to us as a country, and actually, as a world.”